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One of the most frequently questions about terrorism is also the most intractable. Why they do it? Why do they do it? Why do people join terrorist groups and participate in acts of terrorism? There are as many answers to this question as there are terrorist groups, and everyote from clerics to caustic cab drivers seems to have a confident opinion on the subject, as though the interior world of terrorists can be easily mined and mapped. But this confidence is often misplaces given how little scholars actually know abour terrorism and the people who are involved in it. It betrays an epic obliviousness about just how difficult it is to access the internal, subjective desire and emotions that shape the outer world. Instead of asking why people join terrorist groups and commit terrorist atrocities, a more starting point for explanation is to ask how. One culturally prevalent answer to the why question is that terrorists are "driven" or "pushed" to d it, and that the decisive driving or pushing agent is pathology. This answer has evolved in rece years in line with advances in knowledge and moral
sensibilities. In terrorism studies in the la 1960s, it was not uncommon for scholars to conceive of pathology as a psychological abnormality i affliction rooted inside the individual. Since the 1980s, this idea has fallen into disrepute, and the scholarly consensus now holds that the roots of terrorism lie not in the individual, but in the wider circumstances in which terrorists live and act. 

This reflects a broader consensus in the social sciences about violence: namely, that it is "socially determined." a product of deeper historical, economic, or cultural forces over and above the individual. It is perhaps best summarized by the renowned social psychologist Albert Bandun Drawing on studies of violence from across the human sciences, Bandura concluded that "it requires conducive social conditions rather than monstrous people to produce atrocious deeds. Give appropriate social conditions, decent, ordinary people can be led to do extraordinarily cruel things Social scientists argue about the nature and impact of the "social conditions" in question, but feu would question the essential point that violence, however personalized or idiosyncratic in
expression, is primarily rooted in historical structures or social relationships, not individuals, still less their "pathological" mindsets. This consensus is also reflected in much liberal-left commentary about terrorism, especially of the Jihadist variant. For example, in some quarters of the "radical" left it is asserted that the roots of jihadist terrorism lie not in Islam but in the myriad historical crimes and injustices of Western, and specifically U.S.-driven, imperialism- most notably, in the post-9/11 era, the 2003 invasion of Iraq Jihadist violence, from this perspective, is an inevitable reaction fueled by Muslim anger and vengeance; and Westernized jihadists, far from rejecting the civilized norms and ideals proclaimed by the West, are in fact alienated from a West that excludes, demeans, and harasses Muslims.

The scholarly consensus on violence has a lot going for it. It humanizes the perpetrators of violen by insisting on their ordinariness and contextualizing their actions. It obliges people to reflect on their own possible shortcomings and vulnerabilities, and how, in different circumstances, they 100 could do monstrous deeds. And it compels people to recognize that they do not act in a social vacuum, and that what they think, feel, and do is powerfully shaped by the broader historical circumstances in which they are compelled to live and act. Moreover, Westernized jihadists, recent report cogently suggested, assuredly are alienated and feel that they do not belong in 1 secular world that often mocks and challenges their religion and identity as Muslims. 

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Precis writing: Ericsson and his colleagues then compared amateur (অপেশাদার ক্রিড়াবিদ) pianists with professional pianists. The same pattern emerged. The amateurs never practiced more than about three hours a week over the course of their childhood, and by the age of twenty they had totaled two thousand hours of practice. The professionals, on the other hand, steadily increased their practice time every year, until by the age of twenty they, like the violinists (বেহালাবাদক), had reached ten thousand hours. The striking thing about Ericsson's study is that he and his colleagues couldn't find any “naturals” musicians who floated effortlessly to the top while practicing a fraction of the time their peers did Nor could they find any "grinds". people who worked harder than everyone else, yet just didn't have what it takes to break the top ranks. Their research suggests that once a musician has enough ability to get into a top music school, the thing that distinguishes (দু'টি জিনিসের মধ্যে পার্থক্য শোনা, দেখা, বোঝা) one performer from another is how hard he or she works. That's it. And what's more, the people a the very top don't work just harder or even much harder than everyone else. They work much, much harder.The idea that excellence at performing a complex task requires a critical minimum level of practice surfaces again and again in studies of expertise. In fact, researchers have settled on what they believe is the magic number for true expertise: ten thousand hours. The emerging picture from such studies is that ten thousand hours of practice is required to achieve the level of mastery associated with being a world- class expert-in anything, writes the neurologist Daniel Levitin. In a study after study, of composers, basketball players, fiction writers, ice skaters, concert pianists, chess players, master criminals, this number comes up again and again. Of course, this doesn't address why some people get more out of their practice sessions than others do. But no one has yet found a case in which true world-class expertise was accomplished in less time. It seems that it takes the brain this long to assimilate all that it needs to know to achieve true mastery.Instruction: Write a summary of the above passage with an appropriate title in the stipulated space. (Precis writing)
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Translation: English to Bengali Economic affluence and prosperity are likely to reduce the scope and necessity of social protest which is a common phenomenon in many of the developing nations. Though the proposition is not always true and failed to pass the test of time in many countries and many societies, governments in one developing countries nowadays strongly uphold the concept. That's why they have concentrated their focuses, resources and efforts to economic growth to turn their countries affluent and prosperous. The growth-centric or growth-obsessed drive towards prosperity mostly sidelines the distributive aspects which is a major factor of different social protests. Theoretically, social protest is defined as a form of political expression that seeks to bring about a social or political change by influencing the knowledge, attitudes and behaviors of the public or the policies of an organization or institution. These protests generally take the form of overt public displays, demonstrations, civil disobedience and may also include covert activities like petitions, boycotts, lobbying, and even different online activities. In today's world, online activities have become a popular form of social protest, thanks to proliferation of social media and other virtual platforms, Social protest is also considered a strong tool to air the grievances and sometimes compel the government and relevant authorities to address the problems or fix the flaws. In Bangladesh, different kinds of social protests have been observed in last couple of years when economy registered an unrelenting growth Usually social protests mostly ended within a period of time and mostly never linger unless those are serious issues. Those who participate in the protests do not come for any revolutionary change overnight. They mostly want to draw the attention of the policymakers and authorities to rectify the defects within a reasonable time frame.
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Economic affluence and prosperity are likely to reduce the scope and necessity of social protest which is a common phenomenon in many of the developing nations. Though the proposition is not always true and failed to pass the test of time in many countries and many societies, governments in some developing countries nowadays strongly uphold the concept That's why they have concentrated their focuses, resources and efforts to economic growth to turn their countries affluent and prosperous. The growth-centrist or growth-obsessed drive towards prosperity mostly sidelines the distributive aspects which is a major factor of different social protests. Theoretically, social protest is defined as a form of political expression that seeks to bring about a social or political change by influencing the knowledge, attitudes and behaviors of the public or the policies of an organization or institution. These protests generally take the form of overt public displays, demonstrations, civil disobedience and may also include covert activities like petitions, boycotts, lobbying, and even different poline activities. In today's world, online activities have become a popular form of social protest, thanks to proliferation of social media and other virtual platforms Social protest is also considered a strong tool to air the grievances and sometimes compel the government and relevant authorities to address the problems or fix the flaws. In Bangladesh, different kinds of social protests have been observed in last couple of years when economy registered an unrelenting growth Usually social protests mostly ended within a period of time and mostly never linger unless those are serious issues. Those who participate in the protests do not come for any revolutionary change overnight. They mostly want to draw the attention of the policy makers and authorities to rectify the defects within a reasonable time frame. (Translation English to Bengali)
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